By Bernard Weiner
For decades i've got had the gnawing wish to exhibit the wide motivational sig nificance of the attributional notion that i've got espoused and to give totally the argument that this framework has earned a rightful position along different top theories of motivation. additionally, contemporary investigations have yielded insights into the attributional determinants of impact, hence supplying the impetus to embark upon an in depth dialogue of emotion and to explain the relation among emotion and motivation from an attributional point of view. The presentation of a unified thought of motivation and emotion is the aim of this publication. My extra particular goals within the chapters to keep on with are to: 1) define the elemental princi ples that i feel signify an enough thought of motivation; 2) show what I understand to be the conceptual contributions of the viewpoint recommended by way of my col leagues and me; three) Summarize the empirical kin, succeed in a few definitive con clusions, and indicate the extra equivocal empirical institutions in keeping with hypotheses derived from our specific attribution conception; and four) make clear questions which have been raised approximately this notion and supply new fabric for nonetheless additional scrutiny. In so doing, the development blocks (if any) laid down via the attributional con ception might be comfortably pointed out and unknown juries of current and destiny friends can then greater ascertain the worth of this clinical product.
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Additional info for An Attributional Theory of Motivation and Emotion
Bettman and Weitz also analyzed both outcome and expectancies as determinants of attributions. Within each "Letter," the companies addressed some positive and some negative outcomes. This contrasts with the exclusive win or loss experienced by a team in a sporting event or by a politician in an election. Expectancy was more difficult to determine. An indirect measure was derived from objective evidence related to the current performance of the company compared to its baseline performance during the previous year.
Subjects first placed bets on sporting events and either won or lost money. About 1 week later, the subjects settled their bets with the experimenter and "provided tape-recorded accounts of their thoughts about the games" (Gilovich, 1983, p. 1112). Inasmuch as the subjects were directed to think about the prior outcome, this investigation may not be tapping "spontaneous" causal thinking. It is therefore equivocally included in this review, in part because Gilovich was guided by spontaneous attribution research and examined causal explanations separately for wins and losses as well as for expected versus unexpected outcomes.
There is no longer any justification for merely demonstrating spontaneous attributional activity. There also seems little need to continue to concentrate on negative and unexpected outcomes. Thus, new directions are needed. And, most importantly, critics who intimate that there is not a great deal of causal search in everyday life are wrong. If one only reads the sports pages and advice columns at breakfast (which captures my reading habits), about 20 attributions probably will be encountered. Imagine then what happens during election time, or if one also owns stocks!