Can Faiths Make Peace?: Holy Wars and the Resolution of by Philip Broadhead, Damien Keown

April 3, 2017 | Religious Studies | By admin | 0 Comments

By Philip Broadhead, Damien Keown

It is usually alleged that faith is an immense explanation for conflict and dissent. background is suffering from the wreckage of non secular clash, from the crusades onwards, and it's often maintained that it truly is faith that is the tinderbox that ignites such a lot of local disputes - from Bosnia's ethnic detoxing to the continued clash in Iraq. If faith is on trial, the proof opposed to it so usually turns out damning. yet is the image particularly as grim as has been painted? little or no is heard in defence of faith and few makes an attempt were made to place the opposite aspect of the case. The essays during this quantity are one of the first systematically to discover the function of faith as a strength for peace, either traditionally and within the modern global. They specialize in the efforts which were made via participants, groups and non secular teams to safe conflict-resolution and exchange hostility with tolerance and mutual appreciate. particular issues explored contain: nationalism and non secular clash; revolution and non secular wars; the impression of secularisation; ethnicity and faith; clash over holy locations; and making and holding the peace.

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Additional resources for Can Faiths Make Peace?: Holy Wars and the Resolution of Religious Conflicts (International Library of War Studies)

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21 As a result, while the authority of the traditional ulama (religious scholars) has not been entirely undermined – and indeed surveys suggest that trust in the ulama remains higher than that in most state or commercial institutions – the whole field of religious authority has been substantially reconfigured. As Starrett writes: This combination of religion and modern education has proved dangerous to the religious establishment and the government that relies on it for legitimacy, because in the world of mass literacy, mass marketing and mass (not to mention international) communication, the exclusive interpretive authority of local, state-based ulama has been permanently broken.

As he framed it, ‘[t]he Allies knew of the annihilation of the Jews and did nothing. Israel learnt that we can trust no one but ourselves. ’8 The West was ready to remember 60 years later, but it did not really want to remember how little was done to rescue European Jewry at the time. Jewish communities so often felt abandoned by their neighbours and the states that were supposedly committed to defend them. Somehow as citizens they seemed dispensable. Was this a mask for anti-Semitism? For years before 1948 there were many views in Jewish communities in relationship to Zionism and there were numerous movements, for instance, Bundist movements in Eastern Europe that were fiercely anti-Zionist.

Rather than Jewish pain and suffering of the Shoah sensitizing to the pain of others, this has often produced insensitivity to the sufferings of others. Guilty at their own powerlessness to intervene to prevent the destruction of European Jewry at the hands of the Nazis, Israelis often took refuge in heroic masculinities that hardened them against recognizing what their policies were doing to others. Often unable to experience vulnerability they feared any signs of ‘weakness’ and reassured themselves that it was only overwhelming force that ‘Arabs’/Palestinians could respond too.

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